Introduction

We hope that the insights gained from our research, based as it is on an exploration and an expression of 16 senior women’s own accounts of their experiences, feelings and attitudes, will be utilised to help achieve a fairer and more representative balance in senior positions in the workplace through the eradication of the causes of inequality and the consequences for women. It was already clear from our preparatory research that some women have devised a range of strategies for overcoming barriers and achieving success, but the evidence from our work identified a range of cultural and attitudinal factors that continue to stand in the way of equal participation at the top table for able women.

Successful women

There was no doubt in our minds that all of the participants in our study were successful, in terms of conventional definitions and objective measures such as rank and earnings, with each having considerable responsibility and influence. The women themselves provided a broad range of assessments and definitions of success, including domestic as well as work considerations, internal satisfaction and external recognition. In their terms, success was deemed to be as much to do with being a person overall as being a senior manager, with an emphasis on team rather than individual approaches. The women in our study problematised the concept of success, recognising the ambiguities and complexities of the term. Nonetheless, they were able to enumerate a number of dimensions of success including confidence, which was arguably the most important attribute identified by the women, though presentation and communication skills also ranked very highly.

The women themselves were as concerned with ways of working (notably with people), demonstrable quality, outcome and impact – not least within their profession or organisation – as much as the actual status of the role to which they had been appointed. This is not to say that the material symbols and the opportunities and potential of success – particularly in terms of the ability to work autonomously and have an impact – were not important; they were, but in terms of a much broader view of what success should look like. This success was underpinned by a significant job satisfaction, based to a high degree on a motivation to serve. It was clear that many of their experiences, domestic situations and social backgrounds had shaped them as both people and professionals and perhaps also contributed to their success, though, as other research has found, many of the women were still unsure about the extent to which they felt they really had been successful.

Key drivers of success

We identified ambition, determination and self-motivation to succeed as the three key drivers, though, as with the term ‘success’, a number of the women were uneasy using the word ‘ambition’ as a driving force behind their progression to the top job. Notwithstanding this, we found all the women to be highly energetic, with a significant capacity to work hard and independently, wanting to be the very best that they could possibly be. At times, we linked independence and determination with a streak of rebelliousness, one of a number of characteristics which made the women stand out, especially in those many circumstances where they refused to take no for an answer. These were all qualities that the women not only identified in themselves but recognised as positive qualities in others. While the women displayed a great deal of confidence, with a robust sense of self-belief by the time of their interviews, these attributes had not always come naturally – a common position with women, but less so with men. Many of the women shared with us a sense that self-doubt had been an underlying characteristic in the past, though they generally felt that other attributes, such as desire to do well, had eventually taken the upper hand. The women all possessed and prized ‘softer’ qualities such as communication skills, being good listeners and self-awareness, not least as key elements in being a professional.

Humility, humanity and a willingness to admit error were also listed as being aspects of their success as leaders, as were creativity, optimism and realism. While a number of the attributes possessed by the women had been, in their view, evident from early adulthood if not childhood – most notably determination – the women had all learned and developed throughout their careers – and were still learning and developing, not least because of their highly developed sense of self-awareness and an ability to analyse and respond to their own strengths and weaknesses. While work was clearly of major importance, it was tempered by the need for a ‘sense of balance’, with home, family and friends being very much seen as an essential part of the women’s lives.

Career progression

The women all demonstrated willingness and an ability to identify and take opportunities, coupled with a passion for certain kinds of roles or activities and underpinned with a flexible approach to career development. These attributes were important as in many areas there had been no obvious career path for them to follow, though the position differed considerably, with some receiving more obvious support, encouragement and mentoring than others. The speed of promotion – and the extent to which progression was planned – also varied a good deal. For many of the participants in our study, we perceived there to be a learning process that enabled them not only to discover more about themselves but also to work out where they should go next, with reformulations of career targets and paths – sometimes in the light of an analysis of the type of work and associated gender division of labour that was prevalent in particular types of organisation or occupation. Most of the women had experienced major turning points in their lives and careers, including the discovery of what the person concerned really wanted to do, but also sometimes including negative experiences which turned out to be strong drivers for change. Risk-taking, opportunism and an ability to see and go down often unorthodox pathways as part of the decision to change course and/or move on were all regarded as important aspects of successful career progression. There was little evidence to suggest that any of the women had ever seriously considered abandoning their careers: too much of the women’s identities was bound up with work. Future career – or retirement – plans differed, though changes in current work-life balances were clearly being contemplated.

Mentoring, role models, networking

Mentoring, role models and networking were seen as three key elements of professional and personal development and career planning and progression. Good mentoring and good role models were seen as significant, though women aspiring to senior roles were often not able to receive such support, especially from other women. Where the participants in our study had benefited from mentoring or had followed role models, the individuals referred to were described as ‘leaders’ and had strong coaching skills. These people had also been prepared to take risks in supporting the women. Some of the coaching and support had come from men, partly because there were fewer women, and men had been used as both positive and negative role models. Mentoring from home had occasionally proved valuable, in some cases because no role models had been available. Being mentored by a woman was deemed to be important, many of the women now acting as mentors and role models for other women and men, an important aspect of their approach being the use of their own experiences as part of the process. The women valued networking and informal groups in particular. Women-only networks were seen as being valuable, but the importance and relevance of networks varied depending upon need and context.

Gender

A number of the women cautioned against stereotyping, but they were nevertheless able to identify gendered patterns across a broad spectrum of behaviours. The women gave us many concrete examples of different behaviours between men and women working in similar positions, with women sometimes being uncertain as to how to behave in some work situations. Being female was, or had been, both a help and a hindrance though, in the main, the women felt it had either made no difference or had helped. Nevertheless, a lack of confidence or assertiveness in the earlier parts of their careers had been a hindrance for some. Relevant professional experience, height, having had children, colour and lack of a degree were also raised as possible problems.

Barriers and obstacles

We identified four categories of barrier and obstacle to career progression. Firstly, and especially in the earlier part of their careers, some women had had to deal with sexual discrimination and also, in a few cases, racial, class and sexual orientation issues. These were deemed to have become much less common, though examples could still be given. It is possible, of course, that the women in our study, having risen to senior positions, were now less subject to discrimination or less likely to notice it. Secondly, masculine work cultures were often problematic, not least because of subtle prejudices and obstacles that made women feel uncomfortable, though the women had typically and very effectively worked around the prevailing culture. Thirdly, some women noted that they sometimes imposed barriers on themselves: they had ‘built their own cages’, but coaching and mentoring had proved to be effective in rethinking the problem. Fourthly, we identified barriers put up by women against other women, including senior women – the ‘queen bee’ syndrome – but also other women at all levels within organisations. Other, indirect prejudices could also be observed, including a snobbery against the women’s profession or kind of organisation, particularly where the environment was female dominated.

The ‘glass ceiling’

The women in our group felt that some women did not reach the top for a number of reasons, including the fact that they could be put off by the challenges, values or culture of becoming a CEO. While not all the women involved in our research had experience of a glass ceiling, they almost all agreed that it did exist, though the situation varied from sector to sector and industry to industry, depending on the extent of male domination. Some women selected a career path that meant they avoided a possible glass ceiling. Sometimes, the ceiling was self-imposed because of limited confidence or low self-esteem or, conversely, inappropriate over-ambition. Where it had existed, the women had effectively countered the glass ceiling, notably through networking. However, it is unclear from this study whether it was the effective strategies the women employed that helped them avoid the glass ceiling or whether they were unconsciously downplaying its effect because of their own success: perhaps their rise to the top had at times blinded them to the effect and even the presence of a ceiling. There is clearly a long way to go before there are no glass ceilings left; much subtle discrimination still needs to be countered.

Sacrifices, gains, choices and balances

The extent to which the women felt they had made sacrifices varied considerably, though a majority had made significant sacrifices in areas such as family life or personal time, despite determined attempts to have a reasonable work-life balance. Few had any regrets, however, not least because of all the benefits – and especially personal development, life experiences and lifestyles – of their senior roles. The choices that the women had made had been largely under their control, though there had been limitations and, in some cases, a sense of duty to act as a role model for other women by following certain courses of action. The most difficult choices and balances had almost invariably related to family and partner.

Domestic considerations

Various domestic considerations had to be taken into account as the women developed their careers. Almost inevitably there was a strong emphasis on women as carers and on the experiences of the women in caring roles, with most of the participants in our study having a partner and children or parents – or both – to look after. This obviously had an effect on careers and working patterns, though all were agreed that there had been improvements in the support for working women who also had domestic responsibilities. There were evident tensions between home and work, and feelings of guilt at not always ‘being there’ for children, though this had not precluded the women from maintaining and developing their careers; nor did they feel that their working had been detrimental to their children, but in some cases there had been problems with partner relationships. The importance of a supportive partner was stressed, though there was no single model for the support provided. A number of the women acknowledged that having a successful career, with its attendant economic rewards, had put them in a privileged position regarding childcare and domestic help.

Working harder?

Experiences varied considerably: some women very definitely felt that they had worked harder; others did not feel that they had to work harder per se, though they did need to sacrifice more than some men. Much depended upon their background and the type of sector within which they were located. In any case, the women often worked hard simply because they drove themselves to do so, though many of them were reluctant to trumpet their achievements and the fact that they had been gained through hard work. However, overall, it was concluded that, at least at the most senior levels, women did not have to work harder than men, though the work was invariably hard and challenging. Our study has no objective way of measuring whether the women actually did have to work harder than their male counterparts to get to the positions they reached and our aim was to record the women’s own perceptions of this rather than trying to establish ‘facts’. Nonetheless, it is interesting that the women in our study generally showed ambiguity on this issue, seemingly both acknowledging their hard work and sacrifices and at the same time not wishing to frame these as significant factors in their rise to the top.

Leadership and management styles

We detected a number of different approaches – notably, but not solely, between men and women – in leadership and management at senior levels, with a tendency for men to be attributed a more competitive attitude, and with the women judging themselves more harshly than men. Leadership styles were overwhelmingly regarded as necessarily gender-specific, and the women sometimes exhibited or attributed to themselves what they regarded as a masculine style, with a number having a greater affinity with male leaders than female. However, this was perhaps as a result of the paucity of senior women role models. There were some particular areas of difference between women and men with regard to leadership and management, notably decision-making and the extent to which the leader/manager adopted a democratic or a dictatorial style and the dominance or otherwise of the individual’s ego and its influence on their management and leadership. It seemed clear to many of our interviewees that more female-influenced leadership styles were now emerging, with particular reference to a transformational approach, extensive communication with and involvement of staff, and delegation, in order to ensure that senior managers such as the women in our study were able to concentrate on their strategic roles. The women themselves particularly valued being true to oneself – expressed as a high degree of congruence – and taking criticism and admitting error. Most of them, in one way or another, expressed admiration for those who could be humble and admit mistakes, leaving their ego elsewhere – and most of them also suggested that some senior men had a way to go in developing these attributes.

Advice to men and women

There are still a number of issues that need to be addressed in terms of men’s attitudes towards women and, perhaps in some specific circumstances, women’s attitudes towards men. Clearly, there are a number of gender differences that have not been fully accommodated in the workplace, though the women’s responses in terms of advice to men give cause for optimism. Generally, the women in our study advised senior men to listen more effectively, to be more ‘open’ and accessible, to look around at available talent rather than making assumptions based on the past and to be more team-orientated. Sometimes explicitly, and sometimes more implicitly, the women acknowledged the view that male and female qualities – whether related to success or to leadership styles – were becoming less polarised. Wanting to stress what successful men and women have in common rather than what divides them seemed to be a common underlying theme. The message from these senior women to other women was to have confidence, to work hard, to be yourself, to be careful how you communicate, to balance the different aspects of your life, to accept help where possible and to be adventurous in making decisions.

Concluding remarks

Drawing general conclusions from a small, qualitative study can be a perilous exercise. Nevertheless, within this context, a number of observations may be made. First, we found ‘success’ to be a highly relative term, not only in the way women defined it but also in their experience of living it. Whatever it means to the women in our study, it did not simply equate to reaching the top of a work hierarchy. Secondly, the overriding view presented by the women was that although the paths to success had been littered with challenges, the advantages of success had vastly outweighed the disadvantages, though obtaining success required immense effort in terms of balancing the different life factors. Thirdly, the women offered us an opportunity to understand that obstacles such as the glass ceiling and the persistence of masculine work cultures continue to exist and yet these women had not generally experienced them as particularly oppressive. This is an interesting observation because it alerts us to the possible dangers of extrapolating from a small sample. Our interviewees know, and we know from the bulk of previous research, that gender continues to play an important role in the workplace in a myriad of ways. But listening to our interviewees also taught us that individually successful women express their experiences of gendered patterns in ways that are highly connected to (though not caused by) the fact of their eventual success. A challenge for us in writing the book was to adequately capture the richness, complexity and ambiguity of these women’s views and experiences and to present them in a way that might provide help and guidance to others.